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October 15, 2004 |
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THE TIME HAS COME FOR US TO MOVE TOGETHER SO THAT THE EXTREMISTS DO NOT SUCCEED IN DAMAGING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE EAST AND THE WEST. The Ambassador of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques to the United Kingdom and Ireland, Prince Turki Al-Faisal in a forthright speech during the Conservative Party's annual conference, linked the sources of current terrorism to a disaffection and "sense of injustice that can be traced back to the World War I." Quoting Lord Crewe who said, "What we want is not a united Arabia, but a weak and disunited Arabia, split into little principalities as far as possible under our suzerainty but incapable of coordinated action against us." Prince Turki described the division of the Middle East among the Western powers as like "portioning out cake". He pointed out that both then as now, Britain was playing a key role in "two of the most turbulent regions in the Middle East the Palestinian territories and Iraq", and that the British made promises of "fair play" to the indigenous Arabs in Palestine and promised a brighter future to the people of Iraq. The British government, Prince Turki said, viewed with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, "but on one clear understanding, and I quote, 'that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.' "That promise was broken and has continued to be broken by the West. As I see it there a direct link between the events of yesterday and the terrible realities we face today." Turning to Iraq, he said that Britain also promised a brighter future for the people of Iraq. In 1917 Gen. Frederick Maude advanced up the Tigris with 150,000 British troops and took Baghdad. There he told the population that his armies did not come into their cities and lands as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators. "So we face, nearly a hundred years apart," he said, "the same problems in the same regions and the same promises. This unfair dealing and legacy of broken promises fuels terrorist activity and discontent." Calling for international unity through the UN to fight terrorism, Prince Turki said, "We can and must stand firm in our resolve to find a solution to these problems, not just in Saudi Arabia and the Middle East but in the world as a whole." The fact that 15 of the 19 terrorists who carried out the barbaric attack on Sept. 11 were Saudi Arabians, he said, was horrific to Saudis. "It is something history will not allow us to forget. But we are and always have been against this group and against terrorist activity in all and every form." He stressed that Saudi Arabia fought against terrorist forces before and since 9/11 and "will continue to fight against these terrorist forces until the bitter end. Terrorism is against everything we believe in. Terrorism is as despicable to me as it is to you, as repellent to my government as it is to yours, as evil to Saudi Arabians as it is to Britons, as abhorrent to Muslims as it is to Christians and people of other faiths." In order to go forward into a better future he saw it as vital that the West and the Arab world work together the Arab world and the West. "We must join hands through the United Nations to help the people and government of Iraq and the people and government of Palestine. United we have the chance of success, divided the cracks of our dissent will harbor the tumors of discontent." Following is the text of the speech: SPEECH TO THE CONSERVATIVE MIDDLE EAST COUNCIL. Bournemouth 5th October 2004 "COMBATTING TERRORISM IN SAUDI ARABIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST" Ladies and gentlemen, it is an honour to be with you this evening. I am delighted to have been given this opportunity to talk to you about Saudi Arabia; about our longstanding relationship with Britain and about what we are doing to combat terrorism in the Kingdom and in the Middle East. This is a pivotal political moment for the Conservative party when you are defining your policies for the next elections. It is also a pivotal moment in the history of Saudi Arabia. We are on the brink of holding our elections and at the same time are embroiled in the international battle against terrorism, indeed at the centre of that battle. Terrorism is currently the biggest single threat to international peace and stability. It has ripped communities apart. It has eaten away at international and cultural understanding. It has tried to turn friends into enemies. It has, above all, made us all suspicious of one another - even of those with whom we have had long standing relationships across the world. There have always been those who believe in using violence to achieve their aims, and the first few years of this millennium have been scarred by a dramatic increase in the threat posed by those few, armed today with the ability to reach a world wide audience and the ability to acquire an increasingly dangerous selection of weapons. What is the fuel that feeds this monster that goes against all civilised values? I believe that it is in part the sense of injustice and powerlessness that is felt in critical parts of the Middle East, and that this sense of injustice can be traced back to the first world war. I would like you to bear with me for a moment while we examine the historic roots that might have helped to nurture the current crisis. The relationship between the Middle East and the West has not always been an easy one. During and after the first world war local Arab interests fought to maintain a hold on their land while Western powers fought for control of the Middle East. As Lord Crewe wrote at the time - I quote - "What we want is not a united Arabia, but a weak and disunited Arabia, split into little principalities as far as possible under our suzerainty - but incapable of co-ordinated action against us." In 1919 my father, the late King Faisal, visited Britain. He was just 14 years old, but the trip was not a casual one. It was official. The British government had invited King Abdulaziz, as an ally in World War 1, to London. Regional problems prevented him from making the journey and so he sent his son Faisal to London and then on to the famous post world war one peace conference in Paris. The aim of the trip was to emphasize the Kingdom's independent status. Abdulaziz, unlike the British and French colonies and protectorates that fringed the peninsula, was an independent ruler and wanted to build international relationships on that basis in President Wilson's new world order. But when all was said and done, the then new world order was not one that Abdulaziz relished. Like portioning out pieces of cake, Syria and Lebanon were handed to the French, and Palestine, Jordan, and Iraq were put under British protection. The British then, as now, were playing a key role in two of the most turbulent regions in the Middle East - the Palestinian territories and Iraq. And the British then, as now, made promises of fair play to the 700,000 indigenous Arabs living in Palestine and promised a brighter future to the people of Iraq. The British government viewed with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. But on one clear understanding, and I quote "that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine." Ladies and gentlemen - that promise was broken and has continued to be broken by the West. I remind you today of this piece of important history because as I see it there is a direct link between the events of yesterday and the terrible realities we face today. Britain and the West continue to promise justice for the indigenous Palestinian people. And yet in recent months we have seen the large scale killing of Palestinians and the demolishing of their homes in Rafah. We have witnessed the relentless building of a wall which goes against international law along with Palestinian lands, Syrian and Lebanese lands are still occupied by Israel . And yet nothing happens, no action is taken to support the Palestinian people. The United Nations passes resolutions, but the crisis continues. There appears to be a double standard - one law for the West another law for the rest. The ongoing Palestinian Israeli conflict is probably the most threatening to Middle East peace and stability. Indeed most people in the Middle East believe there will be no peace or stability until a just and comprehensive solution is found within which Palestinians have the right to self determination and have their own viable state, on their own land. Now let us look at the other running sore in the Arabian landscape of today - Iraq. We turn the clock back again and see that Britain also promised a brighter future for the people of Iraq in the early 20th century. In 1917 General Frederick Maude advanced up the Tigris with 150,000 British troops and took Baghdad. Victorious he told the Baghdad townsfolk - I quote - : "Our armies do not come into your cities and lands as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators." Words that echo declarations made by both Britain and America following the 2003 war that "liberated" Iraq from the clutches of Saddam Hussein. They have also drawn a picture of a golden future just as General Maude told the Iraqi people that under British tutelage Baghdad would "flourish". So we face, nearly a hundred years apart, the same problems in the same regions and the same promises. But these promises today have a hollow ring. Many Arabs today fear that Iraq is tumbling towards a wretched destiny and will find itself stuck in the same quagmire as the people of Palestine. Instability and crisis are their daily diet. And this unfair dealing and legacy of broken promises fuels terrorist activity and discontent. When Al Qaeda tries to justify its evil and horrific acts it turns its face to Palestine in the west and Iraq in the east, countries now livid with the pain and blood of innocent people. Al Qaeda points to the wretched misery of their lives, indiscriminately torn apart and abused, often by the very people who have vowed to protect them. Israel bulldozes its way through Palestinian communities; American aircraft destroy the homes of ordinary Iraqis in Fallujah. The cancer of terrorism is fed by the disaffected and disheartened, by despair and desperation disseminated today by the press of a button on the world wide web. Modern mass communications does not discriminate. It can as easily spread the message of discontent and dissent as it can of harmony and principle. It does as easily serve the needs of those seeking instability and terror as those who seek peace and stability. The problem is no longer a little local difficulty - it has become an international crisis. What can we do? We can and must stand firm in our resolve to find a solution to these problems, not just in Saudi Arabia and the Middle East but in the world as a whole. We can and must stand together determined to deal justly in our world. We can and must stand together to fight the evil of terrorism. Nothing justifies the evil acts perpetrated by Osama bin Laden and his followers. Nothing justifies the unjustifiable, the taking of innocent life, in Palestine, Iraq and Israel. The fact that 15 of the 19 terrorists who carried out the barbaric attack on Septeber 11th were Saudi Arabians is horrific to us. It is something history will not allow us to forget. But we are and always have been against this group and against terrorist activity in all and every form. Let me stress: Saudi Arabia fought against these evil terrorist forces before September 11th Saudi Arabia has fought against these evil terrorist forces since September 11th And Saudi Arabia will continue to fight against these terrorist forces until the bitter end. As Crown Prince Abdullah has said - I quote -: "It is the terrorists who are our enemies, and security will be imposed on them, by force. Our country will prevail in spite of them. Every enemy will be tracked down, no matter how long it takes." Terrorism is against everything we believe in. Terrorism is as despicable to me as it is to you, as repellent to my government as it is to yours, as evil to Saudi Arabians as it is to Britons, as abhorrent to Muslims as it is to Christians and people of other faiths. And yet much of your media would have you believe that we were conspirators, supporters, even funders of these evil groups. This is not true. This is not true today and was not true yesterday and will never be true. On the other hand, The media in our part of the world also has its own takes on the way it perceives the danger of terrorism. Much of our media views you as supporters, funders, and conspirators of those who spew hatred, terrorism and bigotry towards us, those who found refuge on British soil since the 90s and took advantage of your generosity. We know that this also is not true. Ladies and Gentlemen: Terrorism is against every principle that we hold dear as Muslims and as Saudi Arabians. Words are never enough, so let us look at the proof: Since the horrific events of September 11th that rocked the world, Saudi Arabian security authorities have questioned more than 1,500 individuals, arrested hundreds of suspects, and succeeded in extraditing dozens of Al-Qaeda members from other countries to face justice in the Kingdom. We have cooperated with our brothers in the Arab world and with our friends in the West in condemning these groups and doing everything we can to bring them to justice. More than a year ago a list of terrorists and suspects still at large was drawn up by Saudi Arabian security forces. Four months ago, security forces reported that more than 50 per cent of these terrorists and suspects had either been captured or killed in gun battles. These included Abudlazeez Almugrin, the top Al-Qaeda terrorist leader operating in Saudi Arabia, as well as three of his closest terrorist aides. More of those terrorists have recently been arrested or killed. On the financial front, and in order to ensure that all financial actions are transparent laws have been enacted including *the freezing of suspect bank accounts *the implementation of systems to detect and prosecute anyone linked to terrorist financing * the development of measures to trace and freeze terrorist assets * the setting up of a body to regulate the activities of charitable organizations and scrutinise all donations. These financial actions have been positively evaluated by independent international agencies including the United Nations, who have concluded that our legal structure is sound, our laws meet international standards and that the methods used by the Saudi Arabian government to control and scrutinise funds is in line with best international practice. Saudi Arabia was, is, and will always be against terrorist acts. An independent commission set up by the United States Government concurred in its final report this July that there was no evidence of Saudi government funding of Al-Qaeda. It says - and I quote: "We found no evidence that the Saudi government as an institution or senior officials within the Saudi government funded al Qaeda." For further details of our fight against terrorism I refer you to the booklet we have just produced on "Saudi Arabia's Progress in the War on Terrorism". Copies of which are available here today. And let us take pause for a moment and remind ourselves that, although the world wide scope of terrorism today is frightening, the monster of terrorism is not new. Today, we are horrified by Al Qaeda, yesterday it was Bader Meinhoff, the Red Brigade and the IRA. Here at the Conservative Party conference there are those who still vividly remember the Brighton bombing 20 years ago in which five people died including MP Anthony Berry and 35 people were injured including two ministers. A week ago, my government issued an initiative for an international conference on terrorism. We hope that your government will accept and work with us to eradicate this evil scourge. Ladies and gentlemen The time for recrimination is past. The time for action has come. Action from those of us that want peace, that want stability, that want a better understanding between the Middle East and the West, between different cultures and different faiths. In order to go forward into a better future we must work together - the Arab world and the West. We must join hands through the United Nations to help the people and government of Iraq and the people and government of Palestine . United we have the chance of success, divided the cracks of our dissent will harbour the tumours of discontent. Ladies and gentlemen Saudi Arabia along with the rest of the Arab world is committed to helping the Iraqi people. We welcome the new government of Iraq, and we do all we can to support, both politically and financially, the people of Iraq who are our brothers. We, in Saudi Arabia, have proposed a plan for the replacement of foreign troops with Arab and Muslim forces. Saudi Arabia along with the rest of the Arab world is also committed to seeking a just solution for the Palestinian problem. The Arab peace initiative is still on the table. It asks nothing more from Israel than to return to borders set by the United Nations. In return for recognition and full relations with all the Arab states. I appeal to you to work with us - and when I say us - I do not just mean with Saudi Arabia but with all our brothers in the Arab world who understand the importance of this issue for our region. We need to fulfil those unfulfilled promises in order to bring peace and stability to the turbulent region in which we live. We in Saudi Arabia have a long and strong relationship with Britain that has flourished through trade and mutual interests throughout the 20th century. In his history of the Second World War, Sir Winston Churchill - who didn't always see eye to eye with King Abdulaziz specially over Palestine, wrote of his deep admiration for the King because of his, I quote, "unfailing loyalty to Britain". Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher more recently described our current King Fahd as a leader who had - I quote - "upheld all that is best of the old" and taken "all that is best of the new" and harnessed it to ensure that the people of Saudi Arabia "actually profit from it". Your last Conservative Prime Minister, John Major described the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as - I quote - "a vital force for stability". Ladies and gentlemen Before I close my speech I would like to make a few observations of my own on Saudi British relations. First, on the political front. I arrived in Britain as Ambassador nearly two years ago. In those two years Saudi Arabia has continued to develop its government and has moved steadily towards forming its own elected government. First elections to local councils will be held early next year, these will be followed by others and eventually we hope to have elected members in all our government organisations up to and including the Majlis Al Shura. The irony is that as we take this move forward I note that after long parliamentary debate the British House of Lords is not to become an elected forum but to remain an appointed body, whose members will be selected at the whim of the government rather than the people of Britain. Secondly I note that while we have been moving towards providing our people with stronger human rights, establishing a human rights commission, carrying out judicial reform and opening up our courts, there are people in Britain who are being held without trial. I read this month of an Algerian who was finally released after three years in a high security British jail where he was held without trial and without representation? Thirdly, I have observed the media. The Kingdom has been rapidly moving towards the development of a more open media - on television, radio and in the printed press. Today the most vibrant discussions about the Kingdom's future are in the Saudi press rather than in the international press. But here where you have an open press - the Butler and Hutton reports call for the media to be more restricted in what they say. Saudi Arabia is a long way from being perfect, we still have to work on improving our human rights, our political practices, and our economic and social conditions, but we are working on it - and these are curiosities that are difficult to ignore when we find ourselves condemned for our lack of democracy, free speech and human rights in the British press. But then, as I told my superiors who questioned me about this bad press six months after I arrived, if you think they give us a bad press you should read what they say about their own government. I try to follow a diplomatic rule when dealing with the media. I have been told that a diplomat will say yes when he means maybe and maybe when he means no. But If he says no - then he is no diplomat. Ladies and gentlemen As Saudi Arabia's Ambassador to the Court of St James it has been an honour to be with you this evening. And on that point. I have been here for nearly two years so will someone please tell me where the "court of St James " is ? |
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